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Ive Got Your Number - Slim Smith - Born To Love (Cassette)

Parents with children at school will be panicking most, but even those of us whose offspring have long left the classroom are shuddering at the prospect of going back to square one. When I saw the newsflash, I wanted to stick my hand up to ask the distinguished panel why on earth we would close shops, schools and stop travel again, now well over 90 per cent of the population has either had Covid or been vaccinated.

What, pray, had been the point of their world-beating day at the office if we did? As well as Dame Sarah, the panel featured the chair of the Joint Committee on Vaccination and Immunisation, Professor Andrew Pollard, and the co-developer of the AstraZeneca jab, Professor Teresa Lambe — so you can understand my eagerness to settle the question.

Rachel Johnson pictured believes we have to pivot from a Covid-first mindset to a live-with-Covid culture. So lockdowns have actually increased our vulnerability to flu, and yet we might have to endure more restrictions in order to protect the NHS from a virus for which we have rolled out an effective vaccine, thanks to Dame Sarah, Kate Bingham former chair of the UK Vaccine Taskforce et al — and which has killed very few children in the UK.

For on teens and the jab, Prof Pollard was clear. To use doses most effectively, give them to those most at risk. Leaders, please follow the science and these scientists. Politicians have got to break the cycle of addiction to lockdowns.

Just look at Australia. Melbourne is in the midst of its sixth lockdown, while Sydney has been in lockdown since June. Their actions — with helicopters shouting at people on the beach — are starting to look slightly unhinged. My main takeaway from my Highland fling? Get flu jabs. I would also beg the Government to stop publishing only the daily death rates and infections of coronavirus and reveal the death rates from everything else: missed cancers, heart disease and despair.

Only then can you compare the numbers of people dying with Covid and the numbers dying because of Covid. We have to pivot from a Covid-first mindset to a live-with-Covid culture.

Yes, even if that puts us at the back of the class for the end—of-pandemic report card. Win or lose — I love all that Emma does! Rachel said she doesn't care if Emma Raducanu pictured left wins or loses, she just wants her to carry on playing the way she does.

Pictured right: The issue of Vogue magazine Emma appears in. Rachel pictured said only a quarter of University Challenge contestants are female because women are not fastest-finger-first quiz fanatics. Six years after Jeremy Paxman asked it, the old chestnut question as to why only a quarter of University Challenge contestants is female emerges once again.

As we had quizzes instead of family conversation at mealtimes as a child, I was thrilled to be on a panel for my old college. But I reckon the answer lies in these four reasons. I was trying to build an empire for everybody.

Control was something that I had to have because nobody else was in control. He later adds: 'I was a faithful husband and devoted father and obviously my efforts were for nothing. When she broke up from him, then we got together.

Yes, she loves to wear bikinis, but I think she's the greatest pin-up girl in America and I tell her that all the time. Might he and Paris marry in the future?

I love her and she's the one for me. I just want to make sure that everything is good with my health because I don't want her to marry a dead man! But I feel good. But the fissures in his relationship with his daughter show no signs of mending. In her interview Jackie claimed that her father 'has always used the promise of money to control me', although, admittedly, the amounts being mentioned go beyond the scope of most fatherly financial contributions.

But I said to my daughter, 'If you speak out about me and trash me, I'm going to disinherit you. I wanted to make sure the grandkids had everything they wanted. Furthermore, he adds that his wife was well looked after during the marriage.

She even had a black American Express card — you can buy a house with that! I wanted her to be there because she wanted to be with me. Patrisha's response is that 'financial abuse was a very big part of our relationship as it is with almost every case of domestic abuse.

A huge part of what helped to keep me trapped. He says: 'The empire that I was going to give to my family will now go to my foundation. It's all been worked out and I'm giving money to the Salvation Army. As for the situation with his daughter and ex-wife: 'That's behind me now,' he says. The truth has consequences. If my daughter and ex-wife feel this way then, good.

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Argos AO. Headlines U. Privacy Policy Feedback. Then his daughter waded into the row. Now read his astonishing response Comments Share what you think. View all. Add your comment. Enter your comment. Submit Comment Clear. Your comment will be posted to MailOnline as usual. Your comment will be posted to MailOnline as usual We will automatically post your comment and a link to the news story to your Facebook timeline at the same time it is posted on MailOnline.

Bing Site Web Enter search term: Search. Joints hurting? Can't face exercising? This is what you need to do Ad Feature Advertisement. Lewis Hamilton channels the 90s in ripped double denim which flashes his boxers during Paris Fashion Week Junior Andre works on his music in recording studio and hangs out with friends at the football following his mother Katie Price's drink drive arrest Kimberly Stewart puts on a leggy display in black mini-dress and champagne-hued coat as she steps out with film producer beau Lily Allen puts on a colourful display in a wacky outfit with clashing prints and plaid platform boots after another West End performance in A Ghost Story Andy Cohen reveals Bethenny Frankel warned him and Kyle Richards about Erika Jayne and Tom Girardi's dire financial situation 'It hurts so much': Dancing On Ice's Vanessa Bauer reveals her father has died following six-year cancer battle as she vows to 'dream bigger' Pete Doherty is MARRIED!

Musician exchanges vows with Katia de Vidas two days after confirming their engagement Katy Perry dons billowy lilac gown while getting adoring glances from fiance Orlando Bloom as he supports the nominee at Variety's Power of Women event Christina Aguilera looks incredible in a black blazer and bejewelled corset as she performs at 50th anniversary of Walt Disney World Prince Andrew returns to Royal Lodge to meet his new granddaughter for first time after finally leaving Balmoral after Beatrice gave birth - as he hires lawyer to fight Virginia Giuffre lawsuit 'I've stepped into Anton's shoes now!

If the vocal folds vibrate we will hear the sound that we call voicing or phonation. There are many different sorts of voicing that we can produce - think of the differences in the quality of your voice between singing, shouting and speaking quietly, or think of the different voices you might use reading a story to young children in which you have to read out what is said by characters such as giants, fairies, mice or ducks; many of the differences are made with the larynx.

We can make changes in the vocal folds themselves - they can, for example, be made longer or shorter, more tense or more relaxed or be more or less strongly pressed together. The pressure of the air below the vocal folds the subglottal pressure can also be varied. Three main differences are found: i Variations in intensity: We produce voicing with high intensity for shouting, for example, and with low intensity for speaking quietly. The stricture is, then, total. This noise is called plosion.

To give a complete description of a plosive consonant we must describe what happens at each of the following four phases in its production: i The first phase is when the articulator or articulators move to form the stricture for the plosive. We call this the closing phase. We call this the compression phase. This is the release phase. The glottal plosive?

The plosives have different places of articulation. The plosives p, b are bilabial since the lips are pressed together Fig. Normally the tongue does not touch the front teeth as it does in the dental plosives found in many languages. The plosives k, g are velar; the back of the tongue is pressed against the area where the hard palate ends and the soft palate begins Fig. The plosives p, t, k are always voiceless; b, d, g are sometimes fully voiced, sometimes partly voiced and sometimes voiceless.

We will consider what b, d, g should be called in Section 4. All six plosives can occur at the beginning of a word initial positionbetween other sounds medial position and at the end of a word final position. To begin with we will look at plosives preceding vowels which can be abbreviated as CV, where C stands for a consonant and V stands for a vowelbetween vowels VCV and following vowels VC.

We will look at more complex environments in later chapters. During the compression phase there is no voicing in p, t, k; in b, d, g there is normally very little voicing - it begins only just before the release.

If the speaker pronounces an initial b, d, g very slowly and carefully there may be voicing during the entire compression phase the plosive is then fully voicedwhile in rapid speech there may be no voicing at all.

The release of p, t, k is followed by audible plosion - that is, a burst of noise. There is then, in the post-release phase, a period during which air escapes through the vocal folds, making a sound like h. This is called aspiration. Then the vocal folds come together and voicing begins. The release of b, d, g is followed by weak plosion, and this happens at about the same time as, or shortly after, the beginning of voicing.

If English speakers hear a fully voiced initial plosive, they will hear it as one of b, d, g but will notice that it does not sound quite natural. Only when they hear a voiceless aspirated plosive will they hear it as one of p, t, k; experiments have shown that we perceive aspiration when there is a delay between the sound of plosion and the beginning or onset of voicing.

In initial position, b, d, g cannot be preceded by any consonant, but p, t, k may be preceded by s. When one of p, t, k is preceded by s it is unaspirated. In general we can say that a medial plosive may have the characteristics either of final or of initial plosives.

The plosion following the release of p, t, k and b, d, g is very weak and often not audible. The difference between p, t, k and b, d, g is primarily the fact that vowels preceding p, t, k are much shorter. The shortening effect of p, t, k is most noticeable when the vowel is one of the long vowels or diphthongs.

This effect is sometimes known as pre-fortis clipping. On the other hand, the terms fortis and lenis are difficult to remember. Despite this, we shall follow the practice of many books and use these terms. Each major type of consonant such as plosives like p, t, k, fricatives like s, z, and nasals like m, n obstructs the airflow in a different way, and these are classed as different manners of articulation. Notes on problem s and fu rth e r reading 4. In classifying consonants it is possible to go to a very high Ive Got Your Number - Slim Smith - Born To Love (Cassette) of complexity if one wishes to account for all the possibilities; see, for example, Pike Some phonetics books wrongly state that b, d, g lengthen preceding vowels, rather than that p, t, k shorten them.

It is possible to ask phonetically untrained speakers whether they feel that more energy is used in pronouncing p, t, k than in b, d, g, but there are many difficulties in doing this. W ritten exercises 1 Write brief descriptions of the actions of the articulators and the respiratory system in the words given below.

Your description should start and finish with the position for normal breathing. The tongue moves to the position for a close front vowel, with the front of the tongue raised close to the hard palate.

The vocal folds are brought close together and voicing begins; the lips then open, releasing the compressed air. Voicing continues for the duration of an i: vowel. Then the lung pressure is lowered, voicing ceases and the articulators return to the normal breathing position. Words to describe: a goat; b ape. It is now necessary to consider some fundamental theoretical questions. How do we establish what are the sounds of English, and how do we decide how many there are of them?

When we speak, we produce a continuous stream of sounds. In studying speech we divide this stream into small pieces that we call segments.

It is not always easy to decide on the number of segments. But should we regard the a i in the middle as one segment or two? We will return to this question. As well as the question of how we divide speech up into segments, there is the question of how many different sounds or segment types there are in English.

Chapters 2 and 3 introduced the set of vowels found in English. Each of these can be pronounced in many slightly different ways, so that the total range of sounds actually produced by speakers is practically infinite.

Yet we feel quite confident in saying that the number of English vowels is not greater than twenty. Why is this? The answer is that if we put one of those twenty in the place of one of the others, we can change the meaning of a word. If we substitute a more open vowel, for example cardinal vowel no. The letter of the alphabet in writing is a unit which corresponds fairly well to the unit of speech we have been talking about earlier in this chapter - the segment.

If we choose the right context we can show how substituting one letter for another will change meaning. We can do the same with sounds. They would quickly discover, through noticing differences in meaning, that V is a different letter from the first three. What would our illiterate observer discover about these three? As will be explained below, we find similar situations in speech sounds. If you have not thought about such things before, you may find some difficulty in understanding the ideas that you have just read about.

The principal difficulty lies in the fact that what is being talked about in our example of letters is at the same time something abstract the alphabet, which you cannot see or touch and something real and concrete marks on paper. The alphabet is something that its users know; they also know that it has twenty-six letters.

But when the alphabet is used to write with, these letters appear on the page in a practically infinite number of different shapes and sizes.

Now we will leave the discussion of letters and the alphabet; these have only been introduced in this chapter in order to help explain some important general principles. Let us go back to the sounds of speech and see how these principles can be explained. As was said earlier in this chapter, we can divide speech up into segments, and we can find great variety in the way these segments are made.

But just as there is an abstract alphabet as the basis of our writing, so there is an abstract set of units as the basis of our speech. These units are called phonemes, and the complete set of these units is called the phonemic system of the language.

The phonemes themselves are abstract, but there are many slightly different ways in which we make the sounds that represent these phonemes, just as there are many ways in which we may make a mark on a piece of paper to represent a particular abstract letter of the alphabet. Sometimes, though, a speaker may produce the b with full voicing, perhaps in speaking very emphatically. If this is done, the sound is still identified as the phoneme b, even though we can hear that it is different in some way.

We have in this example two different ways of making b - two different realisations of the phoneme. One can be substituted for the other without changing the meaning. The aspirated and unaspirated realisations are both recognised as t by English speakers despite their differences.

But the aspirated realisation will never be found in the place where the unaspirated realisation is appropriate, and vice versa. When we find this strict separation of places where particular realisations can occur, we say that the realisations are in complementary distribution.

One more technical term needs to be introduced: when we talk about different realisations of phonemes, we sometimes call these realisations allophones. In the last example, we were studying the aspirated and unaspirated allophones of the phoneme t.

Usually we do not indicate different allophones when we write symbols to represent sounds. Basically the symbols are for one of two purposes: either they are symbols for phonemes phonemic symbols or they are phonetic symbols which is what the symbols were first introduced as. We will look first at phonemic symbols. The most important point to remember is the rather obvious-seeming fact that the number of phonemic symbols must be exactly the same as the number of phonemes we decide exist in the language.

It is rather like typing on a keyboard - there is a fixed number of keys that you can press. One of the traditional exercises in pronunciation teaching by phonetic methods is that of phonemic transcription, where every speech sound must be identified as one of the phonemes and written with the appropriate symbol. In a phonemic transcription, then, only the phonemic symbols may be used; this has the advantage that it is comparatively quick and easy to learn to use it.

The disadvantage is that as you continue to learn more about phonetics you become able to hear a lot of sound differences that you were not aware of before, and students at this stage find it frustrating not to be able to write down more detailed information.

We can display the complete set of these phonemes by the usual classificatory methods used by most phoneticians; the vowels and diphthongs can be located in the vowel quadrilateral - as was done in Chapters 2 and 3 - and the consonants can be placed in a chart or table according to place of articulation, manner of articulation and voicing.

Human beings can make many more sounds than these, and phoneticians use a much larger set of symbols when they are trying to represent sounds more accurately. The vowel symbols of the cardinal vowel system plus a few others are usually included on the chart of this alphabet, which is reproduced at the beginning of the book p. It is important to note that in addition to the many symbols on the chart there are a lot of diacritics - marks which modify the symbol in some way; for example, the symbol for cardinal vowel no.

This centralisation diacritic then gives us the symbol [a] for a vowel which is nearer to central than [a]. It would not be possible in this course to teach you to use all these symbols and diacritics, but someone who did know them all could write a transcription that was much more accurate in phonetic detail, and contained much more information than a phonemic transcription.

As an example of the use of allophonic transcription, in this course phonetic symbols are used occasionally when it is necessary to give an accurate label to an allophone of some English phoneme, but we do not do any phonetic transcription of continuous speech: that is a rather specialised exercise.

While this convention is useful when giving a few examples, there is so much transcription in this book that I feel it would be an unnecessary distraction to enclose each example in brackets. It should now be clear that there is a fundamental difference between phonemic symbols and phonetic symbols.

In this course we are using the symbols now most frequently used in British publishing. Some writers have concentrated on producing a set of phonemic symbols that need the minimum number of special or non-standard symbols. Others have thought it important that the symbols should be as close as possible to the symbols that a phonetician would choose to give a precise indication of sound quality. This is the approach taken in this course. Only by studying both the phonetics and the phonology of English is it possible to acquire a full understanding of the use of sounds in English speech.

Let us look briefly at some areas that come within the subject of phonology; these areas of study will be covered in more detail later in the course. In chess, for example, the exact shape and colour of the pieces are not important to the game as long as they can be reliably distinguished. But the number of pieces, the moves they can make and their relationship to all the other pieces are very important; we would say that if any of these were to be changed, the game would no longer be what we call chess.

Similarly, playing cards can be printed in many different styles and sizes, but while changing these things does not affect the game played with them, if we were to remove one card from the pack or add one card to it before the start of a game, nobody would accept that we were playing the game correctly. Phoneme sequences and syllable structure In every language we find that there are restrictions on the sequences of phonemes that are used.

For example, no English word begins with the consonant sequence zbf and no word ends with the sequence aeh. In phonology we try to analyse what the restrictions and regularities are in a particular language, and it is usually found helpful to do this by studying the syllables of the language. Suprasegmental phonology Many significant sound contrasts are not the result of differences between phonemes.

These examples show sound contrasts that extend over several segments phonemesand such contrasts are called suprasegmental.

We will look at a number of other aspects of suprasegmental phonology later in the course. Notes on problem s and fu rth e r reading This chapter is theoretical rather than practical. There is no shortage of material to read on the subject of the phoneme, but much of it is rather difficult and assumes a lot of background knowledge. There are many classic works: Jones ; first published is widely regarded as such, although it is often criticised nowadays for being superficial or even naive.

The subject of symbols is a large one: there is a good survey in Abercrombie Chapter 7. The IPA has tried as far as possible to keep to Roman-style symbols, although it is inevitable that these symbols have to be supplemented with diacritics extra marks that add detail to symbols - to mark the vowel [e] as long, we can add the length diacritic : to give [e:], or to mark it as centralised we can add the centralisation diacritic " to give [e].

There is a lot of information about symbol design and choice in Pullum and Ladusaw We have seen that one must choose between, on the one hand, symbols that are very informative but slow to write and, on the other, symbols that are not very precise but are quick and convenient to use. For example, where the IPA has J and 3, symbols not usually found outside phonetics, many Americans use Ive Got Your Number - Slim Smith - Born To Love (Cassette) and z, the mark above the symbols being widely used for Slavonic languages that do Hot use the Cyrillic alphabet.

The widespread use of computer printers and word processing has revolutionised the use of symbols, and sets of phonetic fonts are widely available via the Internet. N ote fo r teachers It should be made clear to students that the treatment of the phoneme in this chapter is only an introduction. It is difficult to go into detailed examples since not many symbols have been introduced at this stage, so further consideration of phonological issues is left until later chapters.

W ritte n exercises The words in the following list should be transcribed first phonemically, then in square brackets phonetically. Use the same mark for diphthongs, placing the diacritic on the first part of the diphthong.

Most languages have fricatives, the most commonly found being something like s. Fricatives are continuant consonants, which means that you can continue making them without interruption as long as you have enough air in your lungs.

Plosives, which were described in Chapter 4, are not continuants. The hissing sound will stop as the air passage gets larger. Notice how the hissing sound of the air escaping between teeth and lip suddenly stops.

Affricates are rather complex consonants. They begin as plosives and end as fricatives. So the plosive is followed immediately by fricative noise. However, the definition of an affricate must be more restricted Ive Got Your Number - Slim Smith - Born To Love (Cassette) what has been given so far. English speakers would generally not accept that kf forms a consonantal unit in the way that tj seems to.

It is usually said that the plosive and the following fricative must be made with the same articulators - the plosive and fricative must be homorganic. The sounds k, f are not homorganic, but t, d and J, 3, being made with the tongue blade against the alveolar ridge, are homorganic. We could also consider tr, dr as affricates for the same reason.

However, we normally only count tj, d 3 as affricate phonemes of English. Although tj, d3 can be said to be composed of a plosive and a fricative, it is usual to regard them as being single, independent phonemes of English. In this way, t is one phoneme, J is another and t j yet another. This is similar to what was seen with the plosives. The fortis fricatives are said to be articulated with greater force than the lenis, and their friction noise is louder. The lenis fricatives have very little or no voicing in initial and final positions, but may be voiced when they occur between voiced sounds.

The fortis fricatives have the effect of shortening a preceding vowel in the same way as fortis plosives do see Chapter 4, Section 4. Since there is only one fricative with glottal place of articulation, it would be rather misleading to call it fortis or lenis which is why there is a line on the chart above dividing h from the other fricatives.

The fricative noise is never very strong and is scarcely audible in the case of v. The air escapes through the gaps between the tongue and the teeth. As with f, v, the fricative noise is weak. The air escapes through a narrow passage along the centre of the tongue, and the sound produced is comparatively intense. The tongue position is shown in Fig. If you make s, then J, you should be able to feel your tongue move backwards.

The fricative J is a common and widely distributed phoneme, but 3 is not. All the other fricatives described so far f, v, 9d, s, z, J can be found in initial, medial and final positions, as shown in the example words.

In the case of 3, however, the distribution is much more limited. Very few English words begin with 3 most of them have come into the language comparatively recently from French and not many end with this consonant. This means that the narrowing that produces the friction noise is between the vocal folds, as described in Chapter 4.

If you breathe out silently, then produce h, you are moving your vocal folds from wide apart to close together. However, this is not producing speech. When we produce h in speaking English, many different things happen in different contexts. The tongue, jaw and lip positions for the vowel are all produced simultaneously with the h consonant, so that the glottal fricative has an ae quality. One way of stating the above facts is to say that phonetically h is a voiceless vowel with the quality of the voiced vowel that follows it.

Phonologically, h is a consonant. It is usually found before vowels. It is not necessary for foreign learners to attempt to copy this voicing, although it is important to pronounce h where it should occur in BBC pronunciation. Many English speakers are surprisingly sensitive about this consonant; they tend to judge as sub-standard a pronunciation in which h is missing.

There are two rather uncommon sounds that need to be introduced; since they are said to have some association with h, they will be mentioned here. The first is the sound produced by some speakers in words which begin orthographically i. The phonetic symbol for this voiceless fricative is m.

We do not need to worry much about this problem in describing the BBC accent. Again we can see that a phonemic analysis does not necessarily have to be exactly in line with phonetic facts. This means that the t component of t f has a place of articulation rather further back in the mouth than the t plosive usually has. When tf is final in the syllable it has the effect of shortening a preceding vowel, as do other fortis consonants, t jd3 often have rounded lips.

Since the remaining consonants to be described are not paired in this way, a few points that still have to be made about fortis consonants are included in this chapter.

The first point concerns the shortening of a preceding vowel by a syllable-final fortis consonant. As was said in Chapter 4, the effect is most noticeable in the case of long vowels and diphthongs, although it does also affect short vowels. What happens if something other than a vowel precedes a fortis consonant? The effect on those continuant consonants is the same as on a vowel: they are considerably shortened. Fortis consonants are usually articulated with open glottis - that is, with the vocal folds separated.

This is always the case with fricatives, where airflow is essential for successful production. However, with plosives an alternative possibility is to produce the consonant with completely closed glottis. This type of plosive articulation, known as glottalisation, is found widely in contemporary English pronunciation, though only in specific contexts. The glottal closure occurs immediately before p, t, k, tj. If we use the symbol?

This consonant often shows so little friction noise that on purely phonetic grounds it seems incorrect to class it as a fricative. It is more like a weak lenis dental plosive. This matter is discussed again in Chapter 14, Section The other problem area is the glottalisation described at the end of the chapter. There is now a growing awareness of how frequently this is to be found in contemporary English speech; however, it not easy to formulate rules stating the contexts in which this occurs. There is discussion in Brownin Cruttenden Section 9.

Notes fo r teachers Whether learners should be taught to produce glottalisation of p, t, k, tj must depend on the level of the learner - I have often found advanced learners have been able to pick up this pronunciation, and I find the increase in naturalness in their accent very striking. There remain the nasal consonants - m, n, g - and four others - 1, r, w, j; these four are not easy to fit into groups.

All of these seven consonants are continuants and usually have no friction noise, but in other ways they are very different from each other. For this to happen, the soft palate must be lowered; in the case of all the other consonants and vowels of English, the soft palate is raised and air cannot pass through the nose.

If you produce a long sequence dndndndndn without moving your tongue from the position for alveolar closure, you will feel your soft palate moving up and down. The three types of closure are: bilabial lipsalveolar tongue blade against alveolar ridge and velar back of tongue against the palate.

This set of places produces three nasal consonants - m, n, g - which correspond to the three places of articulation for the pairs of plosives p b, t d, k g. The consonants m, n are simple and straightforward with distributions quite similar to those of the plosives.

There is in fact little to describe. However, rj is a different matter. It is a sound that gives considerable problems to foreign learners, and one that is so unusual in its phonological aspect that some people argue that it is not one of the phonemes of English at all. The place of articulation of r is the same as that of k, g; it is a useful exercise to practise making a continuous 13 sound. If you do this, it is very important not to produce a k or g at the end - pronounce the r like m or n.

With the possible exception of 3, this makes r the only English consonant that does not occur initially. What is the difference between A and B? The important difference is in the way the words are constructed - their morphology. We find that these always end with rj; this r is never followed by a g. We do not need a separate explanation for this: the rule given above, that no g is pronounced after r at the end of a morpheme, works in these cases too, since the end of a word must also be the end of a morpheme.

Unfortunately, rules often have exceptions. It is important to remember that English Ive Got Your Number - Slim Smith - Born To Love (Cassette) in general apart from those trained in phonetics are quite ignorant of this rule, and yet if a foreigner uses the wrong pronunciation i.

It rarely occurs after a diphthong or long vowel, so only the short vowels i, eae, adua are regularly found preceding this consonant. The velar nasal consonant r is, in summary, phonetically simple it is no more difficult to produce than m or n but phonologically complex it is, as we have seen, not easy to describe the contexts in which it occurs.

Because of this complete closure along the centre, the only way for the air to escape is along the sides of the tongue. The lateral approximant is therefore somewhat different from other approximants, in which there is usually much less contact between the articulators. If you make a long 1 sound you may be able to feel that the sides of your tongue are pulled in and down while the centre is raised, but it is not easy to become consciously aware of this; what is more revealing if you can do it is to produce a long sequence of alternations between d and 1 without any intervening vowel.

If you produce dldldldldl without moving the middle of the tongue, you will be able to feel the movement of the sides of the tongue that is necessary for the production of a lateral. It is also possible to see this movement in a mirror if you open your lips wide as you produce it.

Finally, it is also helpful to see if Ive Got Your Number - Slim Smith - Born To Love (Cassette) can feel the movement of air past the sides of the tongue; this is not really possible in a voiced sound the obstruction caused by the vibrating vocal folds reduces the airflowbut if you try to make a very loud whispered 1, you should be able to feel the air rushing along the sides of your tongue.

We find 1 initially, medially and finally, and its distribution is therefore not particularly limited. The phonetic symbol for this sound is 1. We can therefore predict which realisation of 1 clear or dark will occur in a particular context: clear 1 will never occur before consonants or before a pause, but only before vowels; dark 1 never occurs before vowels. We can say, using terminology introduced in Chapter 5, that clear 1 and dark 1 are allophones of the phoneme 1 in complementary distribution.

Most English speakers do not consciously know about the difference between clear and dark 1, yet they are quick to detect the difference when they hear English speakers with different accents, or when they hear foreign learners who have not learned the correct pronunciation. Another allophone of 1 is found when it follows p, k at the beginning of a stressed syllable. The 1 is then devoiced i. The situation is as explained in Chapter 4 similar to the aspiration found when a vowel follows p, t, k in a stressed syllable: the first part of the vowel is devoiced.

As far as the articulation of the sound is concerned, there is really only one pronunciation that can be recommended to the foreign learner, and that is what is called a post-alveolar approximant.

The important thing about the articulation of r is that the tip of the tongue approaches the alveolar area in approximately the way it would for a t or d, but never actually makes contact with any part of the roof of the mouth. You should be able to make a long r sound and feel that no part of the tongue is in contact with the roof of the mouth at any time.

The tongue is in fact usually slightly curled backwards with the tip raised; consonants with this tongue shape are usually called retroflex. If you pronounce an alternating sequence of d and r drdrdrdrdr while looking in a mirror you should be able to see more of the underside Ive Got Your Number - Slim Smith - Born To Love (Cassette) the tongue in the r than in the d, where the tongue tip is not raised and the tongue is not curled back.

A rather different r sound is found at the beginning of a syllable if it is preceded by p, t, k; it is then voiceless and fricative. One final characteristic of the articulation of r is that it is usual for the lips to be slightly rounded; learners should do this but should be careful not to exaggerate it. If the lip-rounding is too strong the consonant will sound too much like w, which is the sound that most English children produce until they have learned to pronounce r in the adult way.

The distributional peculiarity of r in the BBC accent is very easy to state: this phoneme only occurs before vowels. Those accents which have r in final position before a pause and before a consonant are called rhotic accents, while accents in which r only occurs before vowels such as BBC are called non-rhotic.

They are known as approximants introduced in Section 7. From the phonetic point of view the articulation of j is practically the same as that of a front close vowel such as [i], but is very short. In the same way w is closely similar to [u]. But despite this vowel-like character, we use them like consonants. For example, they only occur before vowel phonemes; this is a typically consonantal distribution. Another example is that of the definite article. This evidence illustrates why it is said that j, w are phonologically consonants.

However, it is important to remember that to pronounce them as fricatives as many foreign learners door as affricates, is a mispronunciation. This means that the beginning of a vowel is voiceless in this context. However, when p, t, k are followed not by a vowel but by one of 1, r, j, w, these voiced continuant consonants undergo a similar process, as has been mentioned earlier in this chapter: they lose their voicing and become fricative.

This completes our examination of the consonant phonemes of English. It is useful to place them on a consonant chart, and this is done in Table 1.

On this chart, the different places of articulation are arranged from left to right and the manners of articulation are arranged from top to bottom. When there is a pair of phonemes with the same place and manner of articulation but differing in whether they are fortis or lenis voiceless or voicedthe symbol for the fortis consonant is placed to the left of the symbol for the lenis consonant. Notes on problem s and fu rth e r reading The notes for this chapter are devoted to giving further detail on a particularly difficult theoretical problem.

The argument that g is an allophone of n, not a phoneme in its own right, is so widely accepted by contemporary phonological theorists that few seem to feel it worthwhile to explain it fully. Since the velar nasal is introduced in this chapter, I have chosen to attempt this here. However, it is a rather complex theoretical matter, and you may prefer to leave consideration of it until after the discussion of problems of phonemic analysis in Chapter There are brief discussions of the phonemic status of r in Chomsky and Halle 85 and Ladefoged ; for a fuller treatment, see Wells and Giegerich Everyone agrees that English has at least two contrasting nasal phonemes, m and n.

However, there is disagreement about whether there is a third nasal phoneme r. In favour of accepting g as a phoneme is the fact that traditional phoneme theory more or less demands its acceptance despite the usual preference for making phoneme inventories as small as possible. There are three main arguments against accepting g as a phoneme: i In some English accents it can easily be shown that g is an allophone of n, which suggests that something similar might be true of BBC pronunciation too.

This is, of course, very hard to establish, although that does not mean that Sapir was wrong. We need to look at point i in more detail and go on to see how this leads to the argument against having g as a phoneme. Please note that I am not trying to argue that this proposal must be correct; my aim is just to explain the argument. The whole question may seem of little or no practical consequence, but we ought to be interested in any phonological problem if it appears that conventional phoneme theory is not able to deal satisfactorily with it.

In some English accents, particularly those of the Midlands, rj is only found with k or g following. In the case of an accent like this, it can be shown that within the morpheme the only nasal that occurs before k, g is g. Neither m nor n can occur in this environment. Thus within the morpheme g is in complementary distribution with m, n. Since m, n are already established as distinct English phonemes in other contexts maep, naep, etc.

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