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Frankie Paul - Stress (Vinyl)

Kevin Corrigan. Daniel Day-Lewis. Alec Baldwin. Ben Kingsley. Liam Neeson. Ray Winstone. Al Pacino. France [ 19 ].

Monde [ 18 ]. Who's That Knocking at My Door. Boxcar Bertha. Mean Streets. Alice n'est plus ici. Taxi Driver. New York, New York. The Last Waltz. Raging Bull. La Valse des pantins. William Chambliss articulated a structural-contradictions theory of crime and crime control, in which recognition is given to the resistance and pressures from other classes besides the ruling classes.

In his model, Chambliss identifies certain contradictions inherent within capitalism, such as the contradictions between profits, wages, and consumption—or between wages and the supply of labor. These contradictions ultimately culminate in crime as underclasses are formed that cannot consume the goods that they were socialized to want as necessary for meeting the conditions of happiness.

One solu- tion for these underclasses is to resort to criminal or illegitimate behavior. The state then responds to these acts with crime control. We explore this idea further in the next chapter with respect to scholars who argue that the high rates of incarceration for African Americans are the result of crime control policies put in place to control the minority population denied a place in an increasingly technological society with less need for their labor. Fuller theories of human behavior, crime, and crime control should strive to integrate individual-level factors with social structure factors Barak However, most crime theory continues to emphasize how the crime problem can be located primarily in defective individuals found among the poorer classes rather than to suggest or integrate the possi- bility of a defective economic system.

Some 30 years later at a retrospective sponsored by the U. Although research on the link between social disadvantage and crime is not a priority for government funding, criminologists have continued to explore it. The important theoretical concepts relate to inequality, relative depriva- tion, and blocked opportunities. Further, high levels of inequality mean that there are more poor and destitute than would exist under a more equal distribution. Inequality also produces more structural degra- dation, which he argues is important because of the links between humiliation, rage and violence.

Because most of criminology tends to be guided by the criminal law, the focus of crime theory is almost exclusively on the behavior of the poor. But this work did get the attention of Edwin Sutherland, who was interested in the criminality of the rich because of his attempt to develop a general theory of crime. He believed that a major defi- ciency of criminological theory was that it could only explain crime by the poor, which made for not only class-biased criminological the- ory, but for a practice and policy of criminal and juvenile justice steeped in class biases as well Platt InSutherland intro- duced the term white-collar crime in his presidential address to what is now the American Sociological Association.

Much of the theory that does exist is devoted to explaining shoplifting or employee theft rather than wrongdoing and violence by corporations. Also neglected within the sphere of white-collar crime is Frankie Paul - Stress (Vinyl) crime, including the denial of human rights, surveillance, and other state crimes of domination.

Further, although serial killers are a trendy topic of study for criminologists, criminology devotes little attention to mass murder such as genocide.

The least frequently discussed are corporate and government crime, in which the powerful are the perpetrators who are victimizing employees, consumers, taxpayers or the environment. Terms like eco- nomic crime, financial crime, business crime, and even categories like technocrime and computer crime should cover the range of Frankie Paul - Stress (Vinyl) vic- timizations, but they are frequently limited to acts against financial institutions.

Headlines occasionally proclaim the U. The criminal justice system rarely applies its tough-on-crime rhetoric to the executive who harms employees by cutting corners on workplace safety, who knowingly markets unsafe products, or who causes envi- ronmental damage in order to help boost corporate profits. More specifically, occupational crime is done to benefit the perpe- trator personally rather than the business.

At times, the victim will be the business, although at others it may be consumers. Corporate crime is perpetrated by individuals in a corporation and acting in its interest and benefiting themselves individually through bonuses and promotions. The victims include workers, consumers, taxpayers, communities, the government, and the environment Winslow Acts include fraud against the gov- ernment, taxpayers, or consumers and anticompetitive practices which cause higher prices.

Corporate violence refers to acts that inflict physical suffering rather than simply monetary losses, as in the case of dangerous or defective products, unsafe working conditions, and medical conditions caused by pollution or toxic waste. State crime is perpetrated by public officials who are trying to perpetuate a specific administration, exercise general government power, or exercise undue influence on behalf of large campaign contributors. The vic- tims can be as widespread as all taxpayers who are forced to pay for corruption and fraud; victims can also be a specific political group—or even its leaders—who are denied basic political rights through surveil- lance and harassment Barak a.

Thus, any investigation of crime must start with the process of law making, which includes a theory of the state. While some law reflects widespread consensus about con- duct that should be prohibited, the criminal law also helps shape pub- lic perception about what constitutes harmful behavior. Thus, definitions of crime appear to be the result of consensus rather than problems of differential application and selective enforcement based on unequal access to the law-making process.

Sell Crack? The mass media rarely present crime stories to engage this question, but the American public frequently regard white-collar crime as at least as serious as street crime and feel that corporate criminals are treated too leniently Grabosky, Braithwaite, and Wilson Respondents in polls have supported stiffer sentences than had been handed down under the Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act.

People in other surveys favor incarceration for false advertising, unsafe workplaces, antitrust offenses, and the failure by landlords to make repairs, resulting in the death of a tenant. Even though people do see some corporate crimes as being as serious as street crime and as deserving of punishment and incarcera- tion, these sentiments are not reflected in the criminal law, because of intervention in the law-making process by the wealthy and the power elite.

Most of the harmful and illegitimate behavior of the rich and pow- erful has not traditionally been defined as criminal, but nearly all the harmful and deviant behavior perpetrated by the poor and the pow- erless is defined as violating the criminal law. Thus, crime control the- ory and practice evidence a legal and structural class bias by concentrating the coercive power of the state on the behaviors of the poor. Harms committed by the politically and economically power- ful that do come within the purview of criminal law are typically downplayed, ignored, or marginalized through differential applica- tion.

But habitual offender laws do not apply to corporate persons like GE that can repeatedly commit serious crimes without being subjected to habitual offender statutes.

In some cases, harmful actions will be civil offenses rather than criminal ones, but the difference is significant because civil actions are not punishable by prison and do not carry the same harsh stigma.

Other destructive behavior may not be prohibited by civil law or regu- lations created by administrative agencies. In this respect, the tobacco industry produces a product that killspeople a year, but its actions are not illegal, not a substantial part of the media campaign of the Office for National Drug Control Policy or Partnership for a Drug Free America, or even subject to federal oversight as a drug.

Similarly, because government makes the laws, many of its own abuses of power are not considered to be crimes. One of the classic statements on this topic is a book by C.

Wright Mills called The Power Elitein which he argued that American life is dominated by an elite composed of the largest corporations, the military, and the federal government. Mills argued that these three spheres are highly interrelated, with members of each group coming from similar upper-class social backgrounds, attending the same pri- vate and Ivy League universities, and even belonging to the same social or political organizations.

Corporate elites also make large polit- ical donations to ensure their access to the law-making process. Reiman a suggests that the result of these circumstances is that law is like a carnival mirror. It distorts our understanding of the harms that may befall us by magnifying the threat from street crime because it criminalizes more of the conduct of poor people. Black sought to discover a series of general rules to describe the amount of law and its behavior in response to social variables such as stratification, morphology impersonalityculture, social organization, and other forms of social control.

When it comes to issues of class, the variables of stratification and social organization are the two most relevant. Black proposed that the law varies directly with hierarchy and privilege, so that the more inequality in a country, the more law. He also applied his proposition to disputes between two parties of unequal status or wealth.

This means the use of criminal rather than civil law, for example, and a greater likeli- hood of a report, an investigation, arrest, prosecution, and prison sen- tence. In contrast, when the wealthier harms the poorer, Black predicted there would be less law—meaning civil law, monetary fines rather than jail, and therapeutic sanctions rather than punitive ones. Black argued that social organization is the potential for collective action.

Hear- ings,p. The ones who have, received an average of two years compared with an average of nine years for a bank robber Hearings The same pattern applies to corporate crime as well. Indeed, crim- inologist James Coleman did an extensive study of enforce- ment of the Sherman Antitrust Act in the petroleum industry and identified four major strategies corporations use to prevent full appli- cation of the law.

First is endurance and delay, which includes using extensive legal resources to prolong the litigation and obstruct the dis- covery of information by raising as many legal technicalities as possi- ble.

Third is secrecy and deception about ownership and control to pre- vent detection of violations and make them more difficult to prove. Fourth are threats of economic consequences to communities and the economy if regulations are fully enforced. Criminal Justice Processing Assessing the impact of class on criminal justice is hindered by the minimal amount of information collected on the topic.

The FBI collects no informa- tion about class or income to include in its yearly report. The Sourcebook of Criminal Justice Statistics does a little better by including a chart showing how the chance of being a victim decreases as personal income increases see Tables 2. Several other charts include salary or employment information from which rough infer- ences about class can be drawn see the Workers section later in this chapter.

Because class data are scarce, little research and analysis are done—and government agencies that fund research are uninterested in explorations of economic bias. As noted above, the general pattern is that those who find them- selves at the first stages of criminal justice processing are dispropor- tionately poor, and those who emerge from the other end bound for prison are poorer still. Back inone U. This comment is no less true today than it was then, but there is less interest in the topic now.

This analysis includes victimization, the distribution of knowledge about known offenders, and media depictions of criminal justice. It also includes more specific examples of differential application in law making and selective enforcement from the identification of criminals to the last stages of judicial processing, the sentencing to incarcera- tion.

Finally, this section looks at the economic position of those who work in the field of criminal justice. Victimization The main source of information about victims that criminologists use is the National Crime Survey conducted by the U. Bureau of the Census. The information on victimization and income for is repro- duced in Table 2.

The pattern holds for all types of violent crimes, including rape, robbery, and assault. The pattern involving higher rates of victimization for lower-income households is even more pronounced in cases where the crime of violence was completed or involved an injury. However, low-income households are more likely to experience burglaries—especially com- pleted ones and involving forced entry—than upper-income house- holds. Successful car theft and various thefts or personal larcenies that do not involve contact with the offender are the crimes that upper- income households are more likely to experience.

Source: U. These two tables present a picture of victimization that is incom- plete in several respects. For example, many harmful acts of business and government are not part of the criminal law, so differential appli- cation removes many types of injury from official data.

Indeed, Reiman a recalculates figures from the FBIs Uniform Crime Reports on how Americans are murdered to include workplace haz- ards, occupational diseases, unnecessary surgery, and fatal reactions to unnecessary prescriptions.

The 20, murders become 68, using the low range of estimates to produce a conservative estimate. Further, businesses and other institutions are excluded from esti- mates of victimization. However, because of their concentrated wealth and social organization, businesses are able to publish supple- mentary statistics on the victimization they suffered from, say, employee theft or credit card fraud.

Insurance companies may also produce additional information on fraud related to false claims by patients or doctors. But there is a profound lack of data in criminology about the pain and suffering experienced by the 44 million Ameri- cans who have no health insurance.

Identification and Adjudication On November 20,the front page of the New York Times car- ried two stories about crime. There are 28 grams to an ounce, 16 ounces to a pound, and 2, pounds to the ton.

The new police officers paid for by the bill were among those out on the streets searching for gang members and busting numerous poor people with small amounts of cocaine, who ended up in the pris- ons built with an influx of federal money. In contrast, the CIA was not identified as a drug trafficker, nor were any officials arrested.

But those are mini- mal reactions to using taxpayer money to buy cocaine and ship it into the United States, whether as part of intelligence operations or not. This incident reflects a larger pattern in which police and law enforcement focus on acts that have officially been defined as crimes—the behaviors of the poor. Law enforcement and the larger enterprise of identifying criminals focuses on the lower economic classes.

The records reveal that every one of the seventy corporations had violated one or more of the laws, with an average of about thirteen adverse decisions per corporation and a range of from one to fifty adverse decisions per corporation.

This finding is especially noteworthy because many behaviors of the corporation are not covered by the law and the government has had limited enforcement staffs to monitor and investigate corporate violations, so the figures thus represent a very conservative, minimal estimate.

A Justice Department study examining the years —76 found that more than 60 percent of corporations had at least one enforcement action initiated against them, and half of the companies were charged with a serious violation.

A later study by U. On the other hand, the administration eliminated many federal regu- lators and the inspectors who acted as police in the corporate neigh- borhood. Some suggest that this strategy is like removing police from a high crime area because the free will of criminals is being interfered with. Many companies simply entered into a consent decree stating they would not do it again but were not required to make structural or organizational changes to prevent further lapses.

An accounting of the costs of crime both reflects the same class bias and helps to re-create it by focusing attention on street crime. In contrast, no single agency is charged with reporting on the crimes in the suites. No annual report is issued on white-collar crime, nor are there several reports that can be easily pieced together. One of the better estimates is done by Reiman awho starts with a U.

Chamber of Commerce publication called A Handbook on White-Collar Crime that was originally published in and has never been officially updated. Reiman updates fig- ures where more current data are available and revises other numbers in light of inflation and population growth. But what is also surprising is the effort required to arrive at a respectable estimate of crimes in the suites, especially when the government is willing to spend incredible effort counting the cost of street crime.

While at times the problems related to corporate crime and biases from inequality seem difficult to correct, this lack of data presents a simple solution that would be a big step in the right direction: basic information. Following the example of Finland Alvesaloadditional resources should be invested into studying and prosecuting white-collar crime—especially the types where corporations are perpetrators rather than victims. With these data, students of criminology could study aspects of nonstreet crime.

The consciousness of many citizens would be raised about this set of harms they are not likely to see on television, and they could ask their representatives for better laws or the equal application of tough- on-crime principles.

Legislators and policymakers could turn their attention to some of the more serious harms in society and start to seek solutions based on more comprehensive information.

Conviction and Imprisonment Judicial processing represents a significant exit point on the trans- mission belt for the rich. This chapter has pointed out how many of the analogous social harms are not criminalized, and even when harmful conduct potentially falls under the scope of existing criminal law, it is not prosecuted. Because of the division of labor in corpora- tions and their vast resources, prosecutors frequently decide not to follow through with cases and instead dismiss them.

One excellent illustration of these dynamics is the Dalkon shield case, stemming from the manufacture of a birth control device by the A. Robins Company. The company started selling the intrauterine device IUD in as a safe, modern, and effective device.

Although the company had performed few tests on the device, mar- keting and promotion went ahead quickly, and by some 4. Women suffered from a variety of crippling and life-threatening infections, including some that required emergency hysterectomies; others had unwanted pregnancies that resulted in miscarriages or spontaneous abortions, or because of infectionsthey gave birth to children with severe birth defects.

Conservative estimates indicate that somewomen were injured Clinard In spite of such facts, no prosecu- tor brought criminal charges against Robins or its executives. Women were left on their own to file a variety of civil product lia- bility suits, but Robins tried to file for bankruptcy to avoid liability. A judge required the company to establish a trust fund to compensate victims and had to reprimand it for giving substantial bonuses to top executives in violation of the bankruptcy laws.

Judge Lord, in a famous plea for corporate conscience, pointed out the class bias in the working of the judicial process: If some poor young man were, by some act of his—without authority or consent—to inflict such damage on one woman, he would be jailed for a good portion of the rest of his life.

And yet your com- pany, without warning to women, invaded their bodies by the mil- lions and caused them injury by the thousands. And when the time came for these women to make claims against your company, you attacked their characters.

You exposed these women—and ruined families and reputation and careers—in order to intimidate those who would raise their voice against you. You intro- duced issues that had no relationship whatsoever to the fact that you planted in the bodies of these women instruments of death, of mutilation, of disease. Prosecutors, further, are reluctant to apply the criminal law to individ- uals in the corporate chain of command. Even though the intention of those who harm from the office suite is different from that of a street criminal, their conduct may still fall within the statutory definition of the criminal law.

For example, the people responsible for selling quantities of con- taminated food to the Frankie Paul - Stress (Vinyl) do not have the same desire to injure as the mugger in the park does. But the criminal law recognizes that harms committed with other states of mind are also criminal.

A pre- meditated and desired murder is the most serious, followed by mur- ders that happen knowingly, recklessly, or negligently. Such language could, for example, cover situations in which employers intentionally violated health and safety regula- tions—or cases where miners died because they were made to work under unsupported roofs in places where the levels of explosive gas- ses were falsely reported for months on end Reiman a, p. The division of labor in corporations does make it difficult at times to pin responsibility on a specific person.

However, individuals in those hierarchies are routinely evaluated for promotion by examining their job responsibilities and evaluating their performance, so mecha- nisms exist to do better in determining accountability. Prosecutions of corporations are difficult because their financial resources give them access to significant legal expertise. The sum of these factors can be seen in the percentage of offenses that are officially declined for prosecution and who emerges from the process bound for prison.

Infederal prosecutors declined 24 percent of the drug cases but fully 67 percent of the regulatory offenses that include denial of civil rights and food and drug law viola- tions. As Figure 2. The wealthy are weeded out on the way to prison. Compendium of Federal Justice Statistics, NCJ These forces are even more pronounced with the administration of the death penalty.

This pattern tells the poor and minorities that not only are they expendable but that their life is not worth killing for. Indeed, the Robins company may have been more harshly punished if the victims of its birth control device had included more wealthy women. Further, corporate sanctions do not include the equivalent of a death penalty something like the revocation of a corporate charter. A majority of Americans indicate support for capital punishment, even when asked to assume that one in every peo- ple sentenced to die are actually innocent U.

Department of Justice Sourcebookp. Almost every campaign cycle since the rein- troduction of capital punishment in has seen an increase in the number of crimes that are death penalty eligible and the number of jurisdictions that have capital punishment.

Yet corporations that have no body, no feeling, and no soul are exempt from this sanction even if they have committed multiple deliberate and calculated i. The salary information for police in Table 2. Indeed, some thirty years ago, her comment would have been more accurate with respect to the police and those who worked in prisons.

During the late s, Racehoss noted that the warden had only an eighth- grade education. Another officer could at least make an X on the payroll. Texas, like most other jurisdictions, moved to professionalize the workers in their criminal justice system during the late s and early s.

Higher educational standards changed the hiring prac- tices and forced many employees out because they would no longer be eligible for promotions.

Along with higher job qualifications went increased salaries and occupational prestige for some criminal justice jobs.

Educational requirements for criminal justice jobs were the ori- gins of many departments of criminal justice in universities and of the establishment of majors within departments of sociology. For more than two decades now, expenditures for criminal justice have increased and provided many job opportunities. These figures do not include the numerous people in private security or related occupa- tions, although, in general, officers with private security companies have a lower salary, fewer benefits, and lower requirements to qualify for their positions than public employees.

But—to repeat what is becoming a common theme— information on social class is neither collected nor published. The remainder of this section presents some of that information and tries to make inferences about social class from salary ranges and employ- ment requirements for various positions. Many positions have a wide salary range within a state and other variations between states, so the information presented here is not definitive.

Requirements vary depending on the size of Frankie Paul - Stress (Vinyl) jurisdiction or college campus. Information about police officers shown in Tables 2. The Sourcebook has no salary or other information on correctional officers, even though this segment accounts for much of the growth in the criminal justice system.

The jail inmates would be among the poor who would be in the first minutes of the parade, along with most of the prison inmates. But, information in Table 2.

The position of judges, however, highlights the importance of nonmonetary aspects of class. While some lawyers and many CEOs make more money than judges see Table 2. Department of Justice SourcebookTables 1. How easily we downplay the pathos of the suspect; how cleverly we breeze past the complexities that has cast doubt on the very system that has produced the criminal activ- ity in the first place.

Stories of crime in the media tend to focus not just on street crime but on violent crime. Indeed, the more odd and unusual a murder is, the more likely it is to get extensive coverage. In contrast, corporate actions that result in injury or death are not conceptualized or presented as violent crimes. White-collar and corporate crimes rarely appear on the news at all Surettewhich is not surprising given corporate ownership of the news media.

When these individuals are shown as engaging in crime, it tends not to be corporate wrongdoing but rather crimes like murder played out against the backdrop of a resort or some other social setting occupied by wealthy, glamorous, and beau- tiful people. Without some type of disruptive counterforce, the same distor- tions of crime and criminality are likely to continue in the media because they help divert attention from the actions of questionable corporate citizens like GE.

Depictions of crime that focus blame on individuals rather than on society also help prevent questions about inequality and the size of corporate personas. Segal comments on some footage of police officers busting prostitutes after watching them do a striptease. And all of these pieces of the drama become one big paycheck for the executive producer.

In some less guarded moments, even leaders of white supremacy hate groups admit that class is more of a problem than race. Many of their followers are poor whites who feel that no one represents them.

Apparently, decent people feel that class is a taboo topic and will respond more favorably to an incorrect analysis that fosters hate by blaming blacks or a widespread Jewish conspiracy the Zionist Occupied Government, or ZOG for social problems see Ezekiel ; Ridgeway While criminal justice agencies do not share all the beliefs of white supremacy groups, they too seem to feel that class is not a respectable topic and are reluctant to collect data about it.

Because of the long history of racism, blacks are disproportion- ately poor, so issues of class and race are tied together in ways that will be explored in the following chapters. Many tax- payers are willing to fund the construction of prisons to house the poor but are opposed to basic social and educational services for the poor.

Some of these programs are cheaper than prisons and have the potential to reduce crime by preventing child abuse, enhancing the intellectual and social development of children, providing support and mentoring to vulnerable adolescents, and doing intensive work with juvenile offenders Curriep. On the other hand, we have set in motion economic policies that serve to widen the gap between rich and poor, produc- ing yet another generation of impoverished youths who will proba- bly end up under control of the correctional system.

By escalating the size of the correctional system, we are also increasing the tax burden and diverting billions of dollars from those very public ser- vices education, health, transportation, and economic develop- ment that would reduce poverty, unemployment, crime, drug abuse and mental illness. The United States continues to enlarge its apparatus of social control against the poor in society while the rich, especially corporations, continue to grow in size. Note 1. As the authors were preparing a final draft of this book, one of us dis- covered it was already listed in the offering at Internet bookseller Ama- zon.

Ferguson U. Louisiana had a law requiring separate railway cars for the races—or partitions to separate the races if there was just a single car.

Plessy sat in a railway car designated for use by whites only and was told by the conductor to leave. But who decides, and how? The train conductor seemed to have power to make racial classifications, but the Court did not see that issue as properly before it. For him, the statute seemed inconsis- tent, for example, in allowing black nurses to attend white children but not an adult in bad health.

There is no caste here. Our Constitution is color-blind, and neither knows nor tolerates classes among citizens. In respect of civil rights, all citizens are equal before the law.

The humblest is the peer of the most powerful. The law regards man as man, and takes no account of his surroundings or of his color when his civil rights as guaranteed by the supreme law of the land is involved. Introduction A s the previous chapter indicated, economic bias undermines the ideal of equality before the law, so the poorest is not the peer of the most powerful.

This chapter examines the extent to which racial and ethnic minorities are treated as equals under a criminal justice system that should be color-blind.

Board of Education, which declared that separate was inher- ently unequal because it did stamp a badge of inferiority on blacks. This chapter highlights experiences common to all minority groups within a system in which the majority population is white, while recognizing that each group also has unique experiences. Also, among Hispanics, wide variations exist, with those of Cuban background generally being better situated in terms of income, employment, health, and education than Puerto Ricans or Mexicans and Mexican Americans Hajat, Lucas, and Kington Further, women frequently have a different experience than men of a minority group because of gendered racism, a term used to reflect the overlapping systems of discrimination Essed At the same time, members of diverse minority groups are all vic- tims of ideological racism, in which dominant group traits are overval- ued while those of other groups are devalued.

While we do not agree that race is merely a function of socioeconomic class, we recognize that part of the common experiences of minorities is their overall lower economic status, which makes them vulnerable to exploitation and control by the criminal justice system.

Understanding the political economy of an era, such as the need for cheap labor or a surplus of workers, is a key factor in understand- ing the relationship between minority groups and criminal justice Rusche and Kirchheimer For example, after the Civil War, the criminal justice system swept the newly freed slaves off the streets and leased them back to plantation owners for a profit Oshinsky At other times, such as after the completion of the transconti- nental railroad and the economic recession in the s, the criminal justice system responded to surplus labor and white fears by passing the Chinese Exclusion Act ofoutlawing opium use among Chi- nese but not whites Lusanep.

In each case, minority group entanglement with criminal justice related to changes in the political economy and were justified by an ideology of white supremacy that devalued minority groups. In each case, too, criminal justice served to maintain white privilege by mak- ing cheap labor available, removing economic competition or other perceived social threats.

This chapter starts by discussing how race and ethnicity are not just about biology but rather are also socially constructed. We then define key terms such as racism, stereotypes, discrimination, and prej- udice before examining the status of minorities in economic, political, and social spheres. Evidence of stark inequality and disadvantage leads to a consideration of whether genocide is an appropriate term to apply to these social relations. The chapter then turns to the rela- tionship between race and ethnicity in criminological theory and the law.

We review the impact of race on various stages of criminal justice processing, examine the racial composition of the workers in the sys- tem, and analyze media images of race and crime. One final note on terminology is necessary because so many terms are used to refer to racial groups.

Of necessity, we must use the language of resources we consulted for this chapter. We do not endorse these attitudes or the use of racial epithets but believe it is important to accurately portray the attitudes that have been held.

Race is socially defined by a constellation of traits that include physical characteristics, national origin, language, culture, and reli- gion. Although some of these traits are linked to biology and genetics, there are no genetic markers that allow for the identification of race, and geneticists are unable to determine race from a DNA sample Marshall Still, many people—not just white supremacists—believe race is an objective fact; they see race as part of their essence, inherent to them, even a property of Frankie Paul - Stress (Vinyl) blood flowing through them see Box 3.

While not denying that physical differences do exist among people, the social construction approach recognizes that selecting the number of racial categories, deciding what characteristics determine the cate- gories, and assigning people to the categories is ultimately a social practice with Frankie Paul - Stress (Vinyl) overtones.

For example, the Plessy Court ducked the difficult issue of what makes a person black—a single drop of blood, half heritage, two-thirds?

Box 3. Unable to find a suit- able donor quickly enough, the doctor opened his own artery and donated his own blood. Rather than receiving praise, the Jewish doctor was sent to a concentration camp for defiling the blood of the German race. To bolster claims of Aryan supremacy, the study of blood became a focus for distinguishing Aryans from Jews. The combined effects of these initiatives dealt a self-inflicted wound on the Nazi war effort.

The more than 8, Jewish doctors barred from practice were replaced by hastily trained and inexperienced paramedics. In the U. Following the attack on Pearl Harbor and the large demand for blood to treat many wounded sol- diers, the Red Cross collected blood from blacks but labeled and processed it separately. In the late s, Arkansas passed a law requiring the segregation of blood. The segregation of blood ended during the s, more because of the civil rights movement than further advances in science.

One man who said he would describe himself as black has a white Jewish father and an African- Bermudan mother. Other Americans are likely to mark the same single box as in the past out of habit. As these examples illustrate, people are not assigned to racial groups on the basis of genetics. Paul Schulze Jake as Jake. Lance Reddick Arnie as Arnie. Guy Torry Dolen as Dolen. Alex Campbell Jonathan as Jonathan.

Sam Montesano Frankie as Frankie. Arlene Duncan Aide as Aide. Gary Fleder. More like this. Watch options.

Storyline Edit. A group of thieves steal a rare gem, but in the process, two of the men double cross the leader of the thieving group, Patrick, and take off with the precious stone. Ten years later, prominent psychiatrist Nathan Conrad is invited to examine a disturbed young woman named Elisabeth. Patrick immediately kidnaps Nathan's daughter, forcing Nathan to attempt to get Elisabeth to reveal a secret number which will ultimately lead Patrick to the whereabouts of the precious gem that has eluded him.

You want what they want, don't you Rated R for violence, including some gruesome images, and language. Did you know Edit. The TTC Toronto Transit Commission was so impressed with the New York conversion that they actually requested the set to be left up after filming was completed to attract future filming revenue. The set remained for about three weeks until TTC fire inspectors deemed the set a hazard steel girders, signs and benches were plastic and woodso the set was torn down and disposed of.

There are no streetcars in New York. Quotes Elisabeth : You want what they want, don't you User reviews Review. Top review.

I'm Gonna Teh-eh-elll: Very predictable. Ever see a movie for the first time yet still have to ask yourself, "Wait, have I seen this before? Even if you haven't seen this movie yet, you have. With "Don't Say a Word," it's like whoever made it was so enthralled by the high-concept, give-it-to-me-in-ten-words-or-less premise, they figured they didn't have to try real hard with anything else.

Sure, it's competent. But with its intriguing premise, it should have advanced way past that.

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